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Editorials | Issues | October 2006  
Bush Foes Wield Unlikely Election-Year Weapon: Bush
Agence France Presse


| | US President George W. Bush speaks in Sarasota, Fla., 24 October 2006. Bush will defend his Iraq policy, the White House said, but announce no changes in US troop levels in a press conference two weeks before US elections overshadowed by the unpopular war. (AFP/Jim Watson) | The campaign ahead of critical November 7 US legislative elections sometimes seems to boil down to one question: Who's scarier, terrorist mastermind Osama bin Laden, or US President George W. Bush?
 Bush and his Republicans, as they did in 2002 and 2004, are warning voters that the Democrats cannot be trusted to fight the global war on terrorism sparked by the September 11, 2001 attacks by bin Laden's Al-Qaeda network.
 Opposition Democrats, meanwhile, are gleefully painting anxious Republicans as marching in lockstep with an embattled president with popularity ratings at near-record lows and blindly supporting the unpopular war in Iraq.
 In the Maryland Senate race, for instance, Democrat Ben Cardin has run a television advertisement highlighting ties between his Republican rival, Lieutenant Governor Michael Steele, and the president, and warning voters that Steele is "right for Bush" but "wrong for Maryland."
 "I think for myself," Steele counters in one of the ads on his Internet site, which does not mention on its front page that he is a Republican.
 And while the site showcases photographs of Steele with party members thought to have broad appeal, like former New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani and Senator John McCain - he does not appear with Bush.
 "The president says Democrats want to cut and run in Iraq. Well, Republican candidates want to cut and run when George Bush comes to town. They don't want to be seen with him in public events," according to Democratic Senator Charles Schumer, a leader of the party's efforts to recapture the Senate.
 Democrats need to gain 15 seats in the House and six in the Senate to win control of Congress and opinion polls show support for Republicans has eroded to its lowest point since their watershed 1994 conquest of the two chambers.
 A poll conducted by The Wall Street Journal and NBC News last week found that just 33 percent of voters approved of Bush's handling of the war, down from 36 percent in June. Disapproval has risen to 63 percent.
 The Republican-held US Congress has fared no better, weighed down by corruption scandals and a tawdry sex scandal linking a Republican representative to teenagers who had served as congressional pages.
 Meanwhile several public opinion surveys have put Bush's job approval ratings somewhere between the mid-30s and low 40s - a weak showing.
 But despite unease among some Republican candidates who have declined to appear with Bush, the president remains his party's star fundraiser, netting about 189 million dollars in 81 events since January 2005, according to figures provided by the Republican National Committee last week.
 "The truth of the matter is, as you well know, most elections are very local elections," Bush told ABC television in a recent interview. "I'm not on the ballot."
 But ABC reported that 72 Democratic candidates for seats in the House of Representatives have put the president in their campaign ads - and not in a flattering light.
 "Maybe that strategy will work, maybe it won't work," Bush said.
 In a separate interview with Fox television, the president indicated that he was upbeat about his party's prospects, saying: "I don't anticipate losing. I anticipate a tough fight." GOP Fears War Fallout Tom Baum - Associated Press
 Republicans worried about losing Congress are challenging President Bush on Iraq, eroding his base of support for the unpopular war just two weeks before midterm elections.
 Increasing calls from restive Republicans for new ideas to extricate the U.S. come as the White House itself seems to struggle for a better course, or at least a better way to describe the current course.
 Republican Sen. John Warner of Virginia, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, seemed to open the floodgates to GOP criticism this month when he warned after a trip to Iraq that the war was "drifting sideways" and a course correction might soon be warranted.
 In recent days:
 • Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, R-Texas, said she would not have supported the invasion had she known there were no weapons of mass destruction, and she has proposed splitting Iraq into three parts.
 • Virginia Republican Sen. George Allen, in a difficult re-election battle with Democratic challenger James Webb, dropped his stay-the-course mantra to assert, "We cannot continue doing the same things and expect different results. We have to adapt our operations, adapt our tactics."
 • Sen. Conrad Burns, R-Mont., said in a debate last week with Democratic challenger Jon Tester that he agreed with Warner's call for a change in strategy - and believed Bush already had a plan to win the war but for now was keeping it quiet. That remark drew ridicule from Democrats who likened it to Richard Nixon's "secret plan" to end the war in Vietnam.
 Also challenging Bush's Iraq policy have been former Secretary of State Colin Powell, Republican Sens. Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island, Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe of Maine, and several House Republicans.
 More and more, the issue is dominating election campaigns and altering the political landscape. That, and the historic pattern of midterm losses for the party holding the White House, has cast a heavy gloom over rank-and-file Republicans, particularly those on the ballot.
 The GOP doubts, coupled with widespread Democratic opposition to Bush's strategy, put intense pressure on the White House to do something differently, and momentum for that will build if Republicans lose the House or Senate. Bush has stopped saying he is staying the course because that suggested he was locked into a losing policy. Now Bush asserts that he is constantly switching tactics.
 Sen. James A Baker III, a former secretary of state who has a long history of loyalty to the Bush family, has said the Iraq Study Group - which he leads with former Democratic Rep. Lee Hamilton of Indiana - will wait until after the Nov. 7 elections to present its recommendations.
 But he has suggested the panel will present Bush with options somewhere between the extremes of "stay the course" and "cut and run."
 Michael O'Hanlon, a foreign policy scholar at the Brookings Institution who is part of the Baker-Hamilton study group, deemed it unlikely that Baker would lend his support to a phased withdrawal such as some Democrats have advocated. "Baker's not a political novice," O'Hanlon said.
 Still, he said, the Iraq government could be told that "you've got to make some big changes" and that U.S. military backing was not forever. Might Bush announce a change in strategy before the election? "Who knows? I wouldn't rule it out," said O'Hanlon.
 Bush could portray it to the world "as being not about the election but about the failed Baghdad security plan, and give his party a little boost before the midterms," O'Hanlon said.
 Mindful of the political ramifications, the White House sought on Monday to tamp down the growing GOP criticism by portraying the president as engaged - and flexible.
 He met over the weekend with his generals, and on Monday with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and Gen. Peter Pace, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
 White House officials said U.S. and Iraqi leaders had established "milestones" and "benchmarks" to gauge security, economic and political improvements - but that the U.S. had not issued ultimatums nor withdrawal targets.
 "What we aren't doing is sitting there with our heads in the ground," said White House counselor Dan Bartlett as he made the rounds of five morning television news shows. He said that the administration was "making tactical changes on a week-by-week basis as we respond to the enemy's reactions to our strategies."
 Sen. Joseph Biden of Delaware, the senior Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee, told reporters that two Republicans - whom he declined to name - had told him they would demand a new policy on Iraq after the election. He said the GOP lawmakers were told not to make waves before then because it could cost the party seats.
 Biden predicted many GOP defections on Iraq if Democrats win control of one or more chambers of Congress. Polls suggest there is a likelihood Democrats could take at least the House.
 As to Bush's oft-repeated statement that U.S. troops will stand down as Iraqi ones stand up, Biden said, "The reason we cannot stand down is that they aren't standing together. They're killing each other."
 "I don't see a big surprise with respect to Iraq that turns it around, and that's the only thing that would help the Republicans," said James Thurber, an American University political scientist. "I think it just keeps getting worse and worse, and that is not good news for the president and the incumbent party in the House and the Senate."
 Tom Raum has covered national and international affairs for The Associated Press since 1973. | 
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