BanderasNews
Puerto Vallarta Weather Report
Welcome to Puerto Vallarta's liveliest website!
Contact UsSearch
Why Vallarta?Vallarta WeddingsRestaurantsWeatherPhoto GalleriesToday's EventsMaps
 NEWS/HOME
 EDITORIALS
 AT ISSUE
 OPINIONS
 ENVIRONMENTAL
 LETTERS
 WRITERS' RESOURCES
 ENTERTAINMENT
 VALLARTA LIVING
 PV REAL ESTATE
 TRAVEL / OUTDOORS
 HEALTH / BEAUTY
 SPORTS
 DAZED & CONFUSED
 PHOTOGRAPHY
 CLASSIFIEDS
 READERS CORNER
 BANDERAS NEWS TEAM
Sign up NOW!

Free Newsletter!
Puerto Vallarta News NetworkEditorials | November 2006 

Impunity Has Become a Major Malady in Mexico
email this pageprint this pageemail usCarlos Luken - MexiData.info


Social and political observers have long cited corruption as Mexico’s foremost malignancy. Regrettably they can mention many examples from which to make this assumption and support its validity.

In the days of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) rule the very existence of corruption was staunchly disregarded. It was so obvious that political boss Carlos Hank Gonzalez openly quipped that, “a politician who is poor is a poor politician.” These peculiar situations led many Mexicans to skepticism regarding any information provided by sitting governments, and consequently to sarcastically question any actions supposedly taken to fight dishonesty.

Recent administrations no longer challenge corruption’s existence but limit their remarks to its supposed declining degrees.

As well, publicized financial and fraud scandals regularly appeared and the public’s patience ran out — the Mexican mood went from tolerant cynicism to public outrage. A progressively insolvent population demanded openness and honesty from their leaders. Unfortunately politicians reacted as bureaucrats would; instead of fixing the official machinery they enlarged it. Congressional oversight committees and subcommittees were fashioned, huge government agencies were created, unenforceable legislation was enacted, and as in the case of the current administration transparency laws were approved.

To make matters worse, these awkward and costly measures were implemented concurrently at federal, state and county levels, and their results were usually absent. The only three consequences from these measures were (1) the disclosure of individual politically unsolvable cases; (2) the exposure of a prevalent system of corruption, graft, cronyism and fiscal swindles; and (3) a series of highly publicized yet uneventful legal procedures that appeared to impeach and censure culprits but provided no authentic sentences.

These mock trials and accusations had the reverse effect on the population — where corruption was an impression, impunity proved to be a conviction. Citizen hope lapsed into distrust, as impunity quickly replaced corruption as the nation’s major political and social cancer.

Consequently many Mexicans lost their ability to make judgments on the basis of merit or evidence. Most refuse to accept that anybody found not guilty of wrongdoing is truly innocent. Impunity has fashioned a country of skeptics and abolished the belief that democracy alone can bring about the nation’s change and trust in its institutions.

Many people, to explain the unexplainable fortunes that allowed former presidents like Miguel Aleman, Luis Echeverria and Carlos Salinas de Gortari to leave office as the world’s richest men, sarcastically use the term “mysterious enrichment.”

So impunity is now more pervasive than corruption, with some investigations having recently uncovered misconduct, mismanagement and the possible embezzlement of billions of pesos earmarked for public works and social programs during the immediate past administrations of several states and the Federal District. And a misappropriation investigation of the government is currently taking place in embattled Oaxaca.

There have also been widely publicized campaign financing scandals, from the 2000 PAC named “Amigos de Fox” to the 2006 presidential election (when it’s alleged that funds from the city treasury were siphoned to the presidential campaign of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador).

And to date all those charged remain free, or they are immune thanks to their elected positions.

Inquires into many state governorship races in Mexico have uncovered, at one time or another, usage of public funds for political purposes and campaign overspending. And state congressional investigations have produced misappropriation charges against state and municipal officials, although few have been convicted while others have received little more than token reprimands.

Impunity is also prevalent in criminal cases, as druglords openly wage war against the Mexican state itself. In major cities like Tijuana, Nuevo Laredo and Mexico City, to name but three, kidnappings and murder are unpunished daily occurrences.

As well, impunity seemed obvious in cases of social unrest when President Vicente Fox sent the wrong message by continually refusing to intervene with force. This while machete wielding activists and protestors blocked the construction of a new airport near Atenco, and other major projects. Or as with AMLO’s protest demonstrations that paralyzed Mexico City for 100 days, and now the Oaxaca teachers’ unionists and activists who have held the capital city for five months.

Upon taking office, President-elect Felipe Calderon will have an uphill struggle to expose corruption, while at the same time eliminating impunity. However he must do so, and do so from the very beginning. As important, he must send clear messages to change the notion that unaccountability prevails.

No small feat in a country of skeptics.

Carlos Luken, a MexiData.info columnist, is a Mexico-based businessman and consultant. He can be reached via e-mail at ilcmex@yahoo.com.



In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving
the included information for research and educational purposes • m3 © 2008 BanderasNews ® all rights reserved • carpe aestus