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 Editorials | Opinions | April 2007 
Slowly, Painfully, Mexico Changes the Status Quo
 Carlos Luken - MexiData.info
Every nation that has transformed itself into political maturity learns it must eventually face the task of recognizing and choosing its most important sacred cows - only to proceed to slaughter them at the altar of democracy.
Sacred cows come in all shapes and sizes. Some are citizens, others institutions, and yet others are behavioral codes. But they mostly represent a stubborn status quo that acts like a deadweight on a country's navigation to modernity. In general the question is not whether they are good or bad - most defy simple categorization because they have been attractive and helpful when existing circumstances develop, but invariably outdated when change comes. Most also demonstrate tremendous resolve to persevere and even flourish, while others like McArthur's old soldier "just fade away."
Mexico's autocratic system created many sacred cows during its seven-decade tenure, and most acquired great influence while demonstrating an unwillingness to go gently into the night. However, despite their efforts, time marched on and pushed them aside like relics from the past.
Perhaps the most dramatic and significant casualty of this process was the demise of corporate unionism.
Since the 1929 beginning of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), "official" unions were an intricate part of Mexico's political structure. Union leaders outwardly bargained their member's votes for political positions and money, while in some cases neglecting unionized employee benefits - all of which proved to be burdens on the country's economy, and led, in part at least, to Mexico's monetary crises.
During the administration of Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-94), steps were taken to reduce the power of important union chiefs who had grown too powerful and menaced the president's prominence. Once these power brokers were gone, or were weakened significantly, a fractioning process was encouraged to assure that unions would never regain their previous positions of power.
The Ernesto Zedillo era (1994-2000) continued the process by allowing the break-up of PRI labor unions into a number of smaller organizations. And Vicente Fox (2000-06) inadvertently continued this by promoting a union democratization process that fostered splits, radicalization and a deterioration of the labor movement.
All of which also means it took years to reach a point where today's president and congress could approve comprehensive pension reforms that may save the existing system from expected insolvency.
Another dramatic sacrifice was Mexico's imperial presidency. It took over a decade for the political system to fully accept Ernesto Zedillo's unwillingness to handpick his successor, and to allow a government-free electoral process. It was also difficult to accept Fox's insistence to bargain, instead of steamrolling initiatives through congress. To many, these presidents demonstrated weakness.
In a machismo culture, and after decades of male dominance, Mexican women were granted the right to vote in 1950. And issues regarding women's rights burst with unrestrained force into Mexico's sociopolitical and business arenas. Today women represent approximately 51 percent of the population, and their vote is courted by political parties that also recognize their talent by placing them in leading political positions, and as gubernatorial and presidential candidates.
Mexico's prevailing taboos are now being scrutinized and questioned. Gay rights and single parenting are considered open forums. Ironically, the conservative Calderon has had to deal with a prevalent abortion issue, and he has done so without important fallout.
Because of the changes in tradition and dogmas, political parties have been thrown into confusion and disarray. The once powerful PRI is still trying to understand its position as the opposition, and coping with the reality of not being a power wielder, but a broker.
The leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) is currently undergoing an important partition. After a near victory in the 2006 presidential elections, some enjoy their advance as Mexico's second political power, yet other diehard supporters of the defeated Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador have mutinied and are staging an assault on the party hierarchy.
The government's National Action Party (PAN) is also in a state of confusion. The now-in-power PAN is sprouting many of the PRI's former maladies - seemingly the beginning stages of a new herd of sacred cows. Position has helped to shape a corrupt party corporative structure whose members now hold government positions, with the PAN hierarchy interfering in local voting conventions by imposing and applying policies styled to benefit preferred candidates.
Like an adolescent who has come of age, Mexico is a confused country advancing in the right direction by taking two steps forward and one back.
Carlos Luken is a MexiData.info columnist. ilcmex@yahoo.com. |
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