BanderasNews
Puerto Vallarta Weather Report
Welcome to Puerto Vallarta's liveliest website!
Contact UsSearch
Why Vallarta?Vallarta WeddingsRestaurantsWeatherPhoto GalleriesToday's EventsMaps
 NEWS/HOME
 EDITORIALS
 AT ISSUE
 OPINIONS
 ENVIRONMENTAL
 LETTERS
 WRITERS' RESOURCES
 ENTERTAINMENT
 VALLARTA LIVING
 PV REAL ESTATE
 TRAVEL / OUTDOORS
 HEALTH / BEAUTY
 SPORTS
 DAZED & CONFUSED
 PHOTOGRAPHY
 CLASSIFIEDS
 READERS CORNER
 BANDERAS NEWS TEAM
Sign up NOW!

Free Newsletter!

Puerto Vallarta News NetworkEditorials | Issues 

Protests Test Patience of Mexico City Drivers
email this pageprint this pageemail usElisabeth Malkin - New York Times
go to original
August 02, 2010



Protests are a daily occurrence in Mexico City; at one in May was a man with a machete. (Alexandre Meneghini/Associated Press)
Mexico City — On almost any given day, drivers hopelessly paralyzed by the protesters marching down Mexico City’s avenues may feel that the city’s jaunty logo and slogan, plastered everywhere, are taunting them.

“Capital en Movimiento” the city declares itself, next to a windblown drawing of its main landmark, the Angel of Independence.

On many days, however, this capital is not in movement at all.

Since the city does not regulate protests, demonstrators are free to block traffic whenever they please. In just the first three months of this year, there were 740 street demonstrations, an average of about eight and a half a day — an improvement over last year, when there were more than nine a day, the city government points out.

“In our country, it is a constitutional right to demonstrate,” said Juan José García Ochoa, the leftist city government’s point man for protests. “What we can do is to mediate, so that we guarantee the right to demonstrate along with the right of free movement.”

The daily marches may appear to be a sign of a vibrant democracy, proof of a wealth of ideals and opportunities to express them. But they also obey the choreographed rules of engagement laid down during 70 years of rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the PRI.

“For many years, the political system was very closed, but it was not authoritarian,” Mr. García Ochoa said. “During 70 years of the PRI, they let you demonstrate as long as you didn’t threaten their hold on power.”

It has been a decade since opposition parties broke the PRI’s political monopoly, but the idea that the best way to get the authorities’ attention is to stop traffic remains embedded in Mexico’s political culture.

The dynamic is so entrenched, in fact, that the city runs a daily Internet alert, noting what groups are scheduled to protest, whether they are likely to disrupt traffic and dispensing advisories to commuters. “Take precautions” is a common one.

Rather than respond to demands, “officials bet that people will wear themselves out physically, economically and psychologically,” said Renato Consuegra, a political consultant who works on media strategies for civil groups. “Unfortunately, protests are the only channel citizens have to make themselves heard.”

The city government argues that the number of marches is falling because officials are working to address local grievances. A dozen years ago, there were about 20 demonstrations a day, Mr. García Ochoa said.

But the local government, he argues, is powerless to resolve the problems that bring marchers by the busload from other states, looking for a hearing in the capital. Mr. García Ochoa spends part of every day on the phone with federal officials, trying to persuade them to meet with protesters from outside the city.

Raúl Nava, an opposition legislator, has failed so far to persuade the city assembly, dominated by the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution, to consider regulating marches. “You have to respect the rights of the majority,” he said. “The cost does not even count the accidents and the injured who don’t get to the hospital on time.”

The city government and its allies in the assembly argue that free speech is paramount and that regulating marches would not deal with the problems behind them anyway.

But Mayor Marcelo Ebrard finally lost some of his cool this month. After fired electricity workers blocked traffic for a day on the main north-south artery, Insurgentes Avenue, he said the union’s leader had to understand that the city’s residents “shouldn’t have to suffer.”

The electricity workers certainly have been persistent. They have demonstrated more than 860 times since the federal government shut down their state-owned company last October, the city says. The damage has been estimated at more than 490 hours of blocked traffic.

“I am fed up with these marches,” said Germán Nieto Luna, a taxi driver for 16 years. The day of the Insurgentes tie-up, Mr. Nieto said, he was taking to a job interview a young man who broke down into tears as it became clear he would be late.

Even some protesters admit that their marches ensnare the innocent and uninvolved. Last week, several hundred students who failed to win places at one of Mexico’s main public universities strode down the main avenue, Paseo de la Reforma, then zigzagged through the narrow streets of the historic center to rally outside the Education Ministry. Street vendors, selling food and water, attached themselves to the crowd like pilot fish.

“If you present a commission of five people to an office like this, they won’t pay attention,” said Armando González, 19, who wants to study law, gesturing at the Education Ministry. “But if you put some pressure, they have to attend you.”

It was a fairly typical morning across much of the city, according to the traffic report kept by El Universal’s Web site. (It is updated every two minutes.)

Besides the students, a group of bus drivers marched to demand an increase in bus fares, while a small knot of protesters gathered outside the United States Embassy to rally against Arizona’s immigration law.

Occasionally, a protest is so disruptive that the city issues a news release to explain its attempts to negotiate an end. So it was a number of weeks ago, after a group of about 13,000 men, women and children from the poor and very distant suburb of Chimalhuacán came to Mexico City to protest the annual flooding during the rainy season, when sewage overflows onto the streets.

Elsewhere in the city that day, a group of mostly blind street vendors had marched to City Hall. Fifty people in the far south blocked streets to demand electricity service. Taxi drivers angry about something had camped outside the city transport office. And, of course, about 200 electricity workers blocked the main westbound artery for an hour.

“We come here every time; they don’t pay any attention to us,” said Asunción Cortés, 56, who cleans houses for a living and was forfeiting a day’s wages in Chimalhuacán. As for the inconvenience to Mexico City residents, she shrugged.

“It doesn’t matter to us because they have everything here and we are poor,” she said.

Police First Superintendent Darío Chacón Montejo, said there was little he could do.

“Everybody has the right to march,” he said.



In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving
the included information for research and educational purposes • m3 © 2009 BanderasNews ® all rights reserved • carpe aestus